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15–20 per cent, people confessed, on the other hand, to be just a bit on the extravagant, easy-going, inconsistent, talkative, irascible, indecisive, ruthless, vindictive or penny-pinching side.45 It soon became apparent that certain clusters of traits recurred rather frequently across individuals, as could actually be expected since these qualities reflect a basic psychological make-up that manifests itself with considerable internal consistency. We therefore combined repeatedly coinciding traits into personality syndromes in order to be able to test the emerging psychological types for differences in their attitudes towards money as well as their spending and saving habits. Technically this was done by registering for any one individual four to five traits of one type and allowing only one or two mentions of qualities of its antipode type. So, for example, respondents who named four or more qualities of the left column below, but only one or two of the right column were categorized as ‘punctilious’ (which was possible in 10 per cent of all cases), whereas naming three or more of the right and one or two of the left column would put that person on to the category ‘easy-going’ (9 per cent): Punctilious Resentful Meticulous Avaricious Thorough Austere Punctual Easy-going Extravagant Inconstant Untidy Light-minded Erratic In the same fashion the following other dichotomies could be constructed: % Orderly Vigorous Introverted 9 12 11 % Desultory Weakly Extraverted 15 15 11 Question 1. When it comes to spending money, would you say you can keep your pennies together, you carefully budget your expenses, or do you rather like to spend freely? Question 2. Would you think that thriftiness is an essential and desirable quality of character? Question 3. Suppose you would like to see a particular movie. But as you get to the theatre all except the expensive balcony seats are sold out. Would you still see the film or would you rather return some other night? Question 4. Suppose you have just been to visit someone and as you want to return home you miss the bus. Your alternatives are to wait two hours for the next bus or to take a cab and pay about two pounds. What would you do? Question 5. An old proverb says: ‘Save in time to have in need!’ Do you think that this is true for our present time or do you feel that it does not make much sense nowadays to save and prepare for bad times? Question 6. Here are three opinions about saving. With which one would you agree? Left: Saving? I think one should enjoy life now with the money one has. Who knows whether the money in the banks will not be devalued and lost again? Middle: In my opinion one should think twice before spending a penny, one should save as much as possible and if necessary give up a thing or two in life. Right: I feel it makes a lot of sense to save some money, but within limits. I would not want to forgo every little wish one may have. Upon the reactions to these questions we were able to categorize as ‘very thrifty’ 12 per cent, ‘thrifty’ 19 per cent, ‘extravagant’ 5 per cent and ‘extremely extravagant’ 6 per cent. In order to add still a further dimension, the classification of tempers rendered as ‘very conscientious’ 10 per cent, ‘conscientious’ 20 per cent, ‘carefree’ 8 per cent and ‘very carefree’ 7 per cent.46 that male respondents had a slight edge over the ‘weaker sex’ in the vigorous category does not surprise at all. Women on the other hand were generally somewhat thriftier than men. Another matter is age, which did influence the classification to some extent. People under 30 were found three times as often in the easygoing group than were their elders, who in turn dominated among the punctilious. Similarily extravertedness was much more prominent among young people; those over 60 seemed more introverted. The 30to 40-year-olds are markedly more vigorous than either the younger or the older age groups. But most interesting was the fact that thrift was not only considerably more widespread among the older people than among the younger, but that equally distinct differences appeared between the orderly, the punctilious and the introverts and their respective antipodes; the differences here lie between 1:2 and 1:3. Switching from saving to spending, it is quite clear that income expectations play a certain role in purchasing decisions. An increase in income over the next 12 months was expected by the easy-going, desultory, carefree and young unless they evaded the point by arguing their income would remain the same. A cutback in income was thought possible by the introverts, the older and the orderly groups. These examples indicate that psychological dispositions do have an influence of their own right in certain areas of economic behaviour; after all, it is not money that ‘rules the world’ but rather people who shape the monetary events according to their own peculiar whims.47 But not only age and sex are among those variables which, it is claimed at least, influence human behaviour. A number of social constraints and group norms are thought to wield their weight. We wanted to know: which ones? Neither religion (Catholic–Protestant) nor residence (urban–rural) had any significant impact on our classification. Education did show a slight influence as respondents tended to be less punctilious and less weakly with increasing levels of schooling. This was confirmed by a check against social strata, where vigour and extravertedness increased with higher rungs on the social ladder and, of course, with age. The same trend again appeared with income groups where vigour, and, due to age, punctiliousness tended to register more often in the higher-income brackets. Total Cases 100 648 100 1500 100 229 100 2377 Thrifty Extravagant Total Cases 38 19 100 647 56 7 100 1499 68 5 100 229 52 10 100 2375 Conscientious Carefree Total Cases 16 30 100 647 35 9 100 1499 36 7 100 229 31 14 100 2375 Marked differences, however, occurred within the life cycle, where marital status (Table 3.9) combined with age to produce an effect which justifies the claim that this variable should be considered the most important among the sociological and demographic ones.48 Several annotations should be made at this point: 1. It is indeed possible to extract specific personality types from a number of survey questions. The QED that still remains open now is a display of the explanatory power of such types in the prediction of behaviour. 2. Social and demographic influences do not differentiate impressively our dependent variables, i.e. character traits and savings attitudes. 3. These observations represent two important pointers for us in our search for the ‘specifiable conditions’ of the monetary system. We shall consequently continue to maintain that the disposition towards money shapes the disposition of money. Our next task then is to search for actual monetary decisions for differences between the psychological types. As we shall see presently, this job will have to be shelved for a while, because another consideration enters into our line of thought. The ways in which attitudinal differences might bear upon monetary decisions had been indicated by J.M. Keynes with his concept of liquidity preference, though his interpretation of the phenomenon as a function of the interest rate and the income, business, precautionary and speculative motives49 deserves further investigation. While referring monetary behaviour into the realm of motives and psychology, these the Keynesian concept of liquidity preference must be extended to cover bank deposits,50 but the question, of course, is: what qualitative changes do we encounter in the liquidity preference as the quantity of liquid means to which it refers is increased? The question of whether people prefer to carry cash rather than chequebooks in their pockets, or the question of how much money settles at the bottom of a cheque account over time and remains there unused, and the question of how both these facts vary with age or income and with economic optimism and pessimism are not at all academic. No more academic anyhow than the discussion about the maximum credit capacity of the money market. For if the limit of credit extension indeed is Kr =  Z/r + c1 − r51 then we do need some information about the coefficient c. It represents the amount of central bank money that is withdrawn from the banking sector during each phase of the credit expansion process. We also want to have some idea about the residuals in cheque accounts that remain untouched, for they represent the amount of surplus reserves upon which further credit extension by the banks is based. In other words, we are now turning to some specific manifestations of monetary behaviour as they appear in the banking sector. (c) Monetary transactions habitualized The principal question we raised concerned the extent to which various types of payment techniques enjoyed popularity among users. We expected differences simply on the grounds that patterns of money handling would vary with the degree of familiarity with the various forms of account money. Since cheque payments and credit cards are nowhere nearly as widely used in Germany as they are in the US, the distribution of account types is quite indicative of the payment habits. We found that some type of passbook or current account was reported by 66 per cent of all households, which means that one-third of the households in Germany still handle money in the form of cash only. But even the two-thirds figure is not quite accurate, because only half of all respondents kept any sizeable amount in their accounts. banks ranked second with 10 per cent and postal accounts last with 8 per cent. These figures add up to more than 100 per cent, because households may have several account types. Of those families who do possess accounts, 20 per cent have a savings book, 45 per cent a current account and 26 per cent own both types. It soon became clear that each account type had its own ‘profile’ and so we tried to find out: who held how much in what type of an account? As for the amounts, the picture looked like this: 29 per cent of all households with accounts reported no substantial deposits; 23 per cent had up to DM 500; 33 per cent held more than DM 1000; 8 per cent had more than DM 5000; and 2 per cent held more than DM 10,000 in their accounts. These amounts are distributed quite differently among account types; the postal savings book is left with minimal sums only, current accounts generally contain small to medium sums and the amounts in savings accounts range from small to large. Also, bank saving usually registered higher amounts than savings bank passes and current accounts in commercial banks top the postal accounts. As far as the people who have accounts are concerned, we found that accounts are more frequent among older people than among the young. But within this distribution we made an interesting observation: whereas savings passbooks can be found in all age groups, the current account dominates among the 30- to 50-year-olds and the postal current account in the young age group. This we took as an indication of a learning process whereby familiarity with the more mobile account types is inversely related to age. The influence of education would point in the same direction: savings accounts were frequent in households with medium-level education (Mittlere Reife) and the more mobile current account in families with college education (Abitur, university). Since the types of occupation or profession showed similar differentials, we are quite safe in assuming that age, education and professional exposure determine the degree of familiarity with various account types, and familiarity in turn shapes the paying habits. Quite clearly consumption motivates deposits in postal accounts. This is quite often, though not always, due to the fact that postal accounts are being used as traveller’s cheque substitutes, since even in the most remote part of the country there is always a post office which will service the account. Interestingly enough the differences between savings and commercial banks are not large at all, which would seem to indicate that deposits in postal accounts represent an entirely different, i.e. more liquid, type of ‘money’ and one closer to consumption. To probe deeper into this relationship we offered a list of purposes for saving to our respondents, with the results given in Table 3.11. Table 3.10 Reasons for saving, by account type (%)a Purpose of account Postal savings account Savings bank account Bank account 65 18 16 45 39 37 41 41 33 Consumptive saving Precautionary saving Capital accumulation a Table title added by editors. Table 3.11 Reasons for saving, by account type, in more detail (%)a Purpose of account Current household expenditure Consumptive saving Precautionary saving Capital accumulation Total Households having accounts a Savings bank account Bank cheque account Savings bank cheque account Postal savings account Bank savings account 9 13 9 35 51 65 41 45 60 63 18 41 39 41 31 16 33 37 30 14 108 100 128 100 130 100 166 100 159 100 Table title added by editors. only By transfer and cheque By cheque only In cash only a 19 28 36 8 9 14 16 19 9 Table title added by editors. Again the consumptive character of the postal accounts is confirmed and it is also apparent that savings bank cheque accounts are even more mobile than commercial bank accounts. Precisely on this point, i.e. mobility of account types, we asked the owners of cheque accounts whether they usually paid by transfer orders (account to account transfer, no cash), by cheque or in cash (results in Table 3.12). Another interesting aspect in this area of account money is the barrier that still exists in Germany against pay cheques instead of wages being paid in cash: Households with family members in labour force (%) Receive wage in cash and keep money at home and put money temporarily in bank Receive pay cheques 78 68 10 22 100 Civil servants, about half of the people in administrative jobs and about a fifth of the blue-collar workers, receive monthly pay cheques rather than cash. Of those who are being paid in cash a considerable proportion objected to the idea of pay cheques, i.e. 35 per cent of the white-collar and 53 per cent of the blue-collar workers. The reasons for this resistance which we subsequently uncovered turned out to be typical ex-post rationalizations and confirmed to us that the key element is simply the degree of familiarity with the ‘cashless’ forms of payment. the possible attitude objects,53 i.e. we wondered whether the development of prices or the image of the currency would serve as focal points for the attitudes towards the money value and possibly, too, for ensuing reactions to value deterioration. The DIVO-Institute (Frankfurt) helped to solve this puzzle by showing that there are, in fact, two distinctly different objects of cognition and attitude formation. DIVO asked its respondents each year: A. ‘What would you think: in two years will the mark still have the same, a higher or a lower value?’ B: ‘How do you expect prices to develop in the next 12 months? Would you say that they will in general rise or fall, or what?’ In April 1961, for example, the reactions to those questions were as follows: The value of the mark will: Fall Rise Stay the same Do not know Prices will: 40 7 38 15 100% 70 4 24 2 100% Rise Fall Stay the same Do not know Seventy per cent of the population felt that prices would rise, but only 40 per cent drew from that the logical conclusion that the value of the mark would consequently have to fall. This means that we are confronted with two separate phenomena, price development and currency image. The opinion about prices is reflected as an attitude of confidence (or distrust) in the continuity of purchasing power and relies for its information on the development of prices, which can be experienced directly. The confidence in the stability of the monetary system, on the other hand, cannot possibly be based on personal experience, but rather represents an unreflected stereotype incorporating different attitudes towards the economic and political development. September 1959 In ten years 20 marks will buy: June 1959 Over the next 12 months prices will: Less 55 Just as much, more, no answer 45 100% Rise 52 Stay the same, fall, don’t know 48 100% The answers are almost identical and both apparently reflect an attitude that is based on considerations of purchasing power and price development, though in this context it was quite significant to note that heads of households have a much keener eye on such developments than the average person. That the monetary value would fall was expected by: 55% of all respondents 61% of all men 51% of all women 64% of heads of households 64% of all male heads of households 62% of all female heads of households Yet another interesting observation was that, contrary to common belief, the actual experience with inflation does not influence the overall monetary scene in Germany to any noticeable degree. This rather surprising result may, however, be explained by the consideration that only people with savings had really been hurt by the inflation. Today only 20 per cent of all households in Germany have savings of more than DM 1000 and only of these may we expect, if they had been savers before the currency reform in 1948, that the experience has made them cautious and distrustful. A certain influence on the confidence in the monetary system could be discerned by looking at the psychological disposition. People with a pessimistic tendency generally expected a deterioration of the currency. Extraverted persons were more often sceptical about the development of purchasing power than were the introverts, who in turn reacted much more sensitively to changes in interest rates. The trust in money is also